Chuck Holton
Politics • Culture • News
Please Don’t Kill My Son
By Dave Eubank, Founder of the Free Burma Rangers
November 11, 2024
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2 November 2024 (republished with permission)

Peter comforts wounded ISIS child in Syria.

Can we love others as we love our children? Can we love our enemies as if they were our children? At our recent board meeting in the United States, one of our board members, Doug Yoder, told the story of Adam and Eve and their children Cain and Abel. Cain killed Abel and there were consequences. However, Adam and Eve did not kill the remaining son, Cain in punishment.

Later on, King David faced the rebellion of his son. Absalom took over the royal city, committed evil and then came out with an army to kill his own father and those with him. King David rallied his own army to stop this attack but told his men not to kill his son. In the battle, Absalom’s forces were defeated and he was killed despite the king’s orders. King David was distraught and heartbroken and had to be reminded by his men that more people were at stake, not just his rebellious son. King David understood but was overcome with grief.

From then until now, people have been killing each other. And, from then until now, the idea of killing our own children is so horrible we can’t even think about it. If I would never hurt my own children, how can I hurt someone else’s?

My father told me after he served in the Korean War that sometimes you may need to stop a man’s heart with a bullet, but you can never change a man’s heart with a bullet. Dad said, “I want to be working with God to change people’s hearts with the love of Jesus.” That is the same mission of the Free Burma Rangers. Our mission is to share Jesus’s love, help people, and get the news out. It is not to fight or kill. At the same time, we have faced people doing great evil such as ISIS who were killing men, women, and children right in front of us and attacking us as well. In some cases, we have fought back. The same has been true in Burma.

How can we be willing to kill another person’s child, if we would never kill our own? This is something that I’ve struggled with in thought and prayer.

FBR medic Joseph delivers a baby of ISIS after they surrendered in Syria.

With the encouragement of my cousin, Ernest Herndon, who is a journalist, I wanted to share this message. God is with us in every situation and has the answer.

In Mosul, Iraq, as we were helping treat the wounded and feed people, we were attacked numerous times by ISIS. Many of our team were wounded and one, Shaheen, was killed. I was shot point-blank by ISIS fighters as they charged us during one mission. The ISIS men were smiling as they fired. My Iraqi friends were being shot and killed around me. I prayed, “God help me” — and fought back.

We were able to stop the attackers, but only by killing them. Afterward, I prayed for their souls, that they would be forgiven and go to heaven. I also prayed for my own forgiveness and experienced peace. I felt we had done the better thing to stop them rather than let them kill us and keep killing others.

But I couldn’t help but think: what would their mothers and fathers feel when they found out they had lost their sons? What if it was my son that had been one of the attackers? That was heartbreaking, and I prayed for comfort for the families of these ISIS men and for God’s answer. I did not hear anything definitive, but I did feel a peace. We were just people, we didn’t have all the answers, we had done our best and only God is God.

Wounded ISIS families surrender in Syria.

Another time we were with Kurdish forces who liberated a village controlled by ISIS. Supporting the Kurdish forces were American aircraft that had bombed and killed ISIS fighters, but also had accidentally bombed and killed an entire Arab family of eight. The family ranged from a few-month-old baby to the mother and father.

Eight people, dead, mangled and torn, wrapped in blood-soaked blankets.

The village men were carrying them to be buried. I was there. What do I do? How can I help? To them am I not the enemy? It would be an insult and a pain in their sight to have an American approach them now.

I prayed and the answer came to me: I am an ambassador of Jesus, I must do something. I prayed and went forward. I asked forgiveness on behalf of America and the pilot and I told them this was a mistake and an accident. They looked at me with sorrow and rage and gathered closely around me. I could feel their pain, despair, and anger.

I prayed again and got on my knees. I told them “I only have one life and it’s not worth the eight who were killed, but I offer it to you.” I told them, “I don’t have time to ask my wife and children if I can give my life or not, but I give it to you, you can kill me if you want to.”

I raised my hands, closed my eyes, and prayed. I felt the powerful arms of a big man who was the brother of the family that was killed. He lifted me to my feet and looked in my eyes and said, “We won’t kill you. We don’t hate you.” Tears streamed down his face. We cried together and hugged each other. The other men gathered around closely, crying also. We were so sad and so broken together.

Kneeling in front of the older brother and villagers and asking forgiveness.

We became friends with that village and later built a playground in honor of the family; the US government did pay reparations. None of this brought the dead family back, but there was love, forgiveness, and comfort for each other. A sorrow shared is divided and a joy shared is multiplied. As we suffered together in that Arab village, our sorrows were divided, and when the children played on the playground later, our joys were multiplied. The dead did not come back, but we could see God bringing good from the evil that happened.

Children at the playground dedicated to the family that was killed, Iraq

God made it clear to me years ago in Burma that nothing truly precious is eternally lost. We will see each other again because of the love of Jesus, and this knowledge makes room for forgiveness.

I remember the words of my professor, Chuck Craft, at Fuller Seminary: “You can live well with sorrow, but you can’t live well with shame.” When we share our sorrow, we can comfort each other. Jesus can take away our shame by forgiving us – and when we forgive those who have wronged us, we can have a part in taking away their shame and helping open a door to redemption for them.

For us and most of you, dear readers, most of the time we are not fighting people physically, but we all are in some form of battle with people who have hurt or betrayed us. We can ask Jesus, “What do I do now?” God has helped me to ask, what would I do if it was my child who just hurt me? When we’re trying to help our children who have done something wrong, we pray for love and wisdom to be able to stand firmly on the truth in love and also in justice.

Something I learned in the battle against ISIS is this: love is the difference between revenge and justice. The only way we get justice is with love, love for the perpetrator and the victim. Justice is born of love and forgiveness and builds up; revenge, is born of hate and shame, and destroys. Justice is our responsibility. Revenge will destroy us and not bring about justice or healing.

When we’ve been badly hurt, Jesus can supernaturally help us forgive and move towards justice. If we allow it, He will fill us with His love for everyone involved. In love, we give discipline and punishment to our children to stop them from doing the wrong thing and build them up. As we pray to God for love for our enemies, He will give us that love and help us see our enemies as if they were our children. God will help us know when and how to take a stand.

Ranger giving blood to a Burma soldier in Karenni as our doctors save his life.

We are going back to join our teams in Burma where 65 our team members have been killed, and hundreds of us have been wounded. In the last three years alone, thousands of men, women, and children have been killed and over three million displaced in brutal attacks by the Burma military. But we pray for the military as if they were our children.

We thank God for the opportunities to treat wounded Burma soldiers and carry them to safety. We thank Him for the time young Rangers donated their own blood to a wounded Burman soldier who just minutes before was trying to kill them. We thank Jesus that we have had chances to pray with Burma Army soldiers and tell them who He is. These acts of love offer hope for redemption for these soldiers who are stained by the shameful evil they’ve taken part in.

In all our lives, there may be a time to fight physically, legally, or some other way, but we always need to remember, we could be fighting our own children. That other person we’re fighting is always someone’s child. May God help us remember that, see our own sins and faults in the situation, and forgive others just as we want God to forgive us. Since in the end, we are all children of God.

Thanks and God bless you,

Dave, family and FBR

Check out additional photos below:

Our family together in Burma on a mission earlier this year.
Carrying the wife of a Burma police officer who was our enemy after fighting in Karenni. 
Pete and team carry a wounded Burma soldier to safety while being bombed in Karenni State, Burma. 
Sahale in Bagouz, Syria, with surrendered ISIS mother, and the gospel book Sahale gave her.
Karen gives Good Life Club shirt to an ISIS child in Syria.
Sahale and team feed and share about the love of Jesus with ISIS families who surrendered in Syria.
Playground dedicated to the family that was killed in the airstrike, Iraq.

Love each other
Unite and work for freedom, justice and peace
Forgive and do not hate each other
Pray with faith, Act with courage
Never surrender

The Free Burma Rangers (FBR) mission is to provide hope, help and love to internally displaced people inside Burma, Sudan, Kurdistan, Iraq and Syria regardless of ethnicity or religion. Using a network of indigenous field teams, FBR reports on human rights abuses, casualties and the humanitarian needs of people who are under oppression. FBR provides medical, spiritual and educational resources for IDP communities as they struggle to survive attacks.

For more information, please visit www.freeburmarangers.org

© 2024 Free Burma Rangers | Contact FBR

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What Putin Really Wants — and Why the West Still Doesn’t Get It

We’re all watching the same headlines, scrolling the same feeds, and trying to make sense of the same chaos. And yet, for all the information at our fingertips, there are still some very basic questions we aren't answering honestly — like what Vladimir Putin actually wants, why this war in Ukraine keeps grinding on, and what it really means for the United States and our allies.

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Do We Still Keep Our Promises?

Whenever I go live, I like to ask people where they’re watching from. It’s not just a gimmick; it tells me something important. There are folks in Poland, Germany, Israel, Armenia, and all over the United States who have skin in the game with what we’re about to talk about. They’re not watching this as an abstract discussion. For some of them, this is about whether the ground under their feet will still belong to their country five years from now.

So I asked a simple question: Should the United States keep the commitments it has already made to its allies?

I’m not talking about getting involved in every brushfire conflict on the planet. I’m talking specifically about the promises we have already put our name on — treaties we signed, obligations we accepted, and expectations we created that other nations have built their security around.

The biggest of those, of course, is NATO — the North Atlantic Treaty Organization — created after World War II for one core purpose: to keep a check on Russia. That wasn’t paranoia. That was historical memory. Russia, whether under the czars, the Soviets, or Putin, has an almost compulsive habit of invading its neighbors. In just the last few decades, they’ve gone into Georgia, Chechnya, Crimea, and now full-on into Ukraine. They’ve made no secret of the fact that they believe they have a right to dominate not only their immediate borderlands, but the wider European sphere as well.

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The War You Don’t See: Russia’s Cognitive Offensive

If you only look at maps and front-line reports, you might conclude that Russia is stumbling. Their advances are slow and costly, their equipment is getting older, and they’re losing a lot of men. But you miss half the story if you stop there, because the real battlefield — the one Putin is betting on — is not just in trenches and ruined towns. It’s in the minds of voters in the United States and Europe.

Russian intelligence and state-backed actors have poured millions of dollars into what’s now being called cognitive warfare. They’ve set up SIM farms, bot farms, and propaganda networks across multiple continents. These aren’t just a few trolls on a laptop. We’re talking about industrial-scale operations — huge racks of phones and servers churning out fake profiles by the hundreds of thousands, posing as Texans, Brits, Indians, Germans, and everything else you can imagine.

Their purpose is simple and very specific:
to quietly steer public opinion away from supporting Ukraine, to paint NATO as the real villain, and to soften the West’s will to resist Russian aggression. They don’t need most people to become full-on pro-Russian. They just need enough people to become skeptical, weary, and divided. They know that democracies often defeat themselves from the inside long before an enemy ever crosses the border.

 

Why Putin Keeps Showing Up to “Peace Talks” He Doesn’t Mean

You may have noticed something about every “peace process” floated over the last two years. Russia walks in, sits down at the table, plays the reasonable partner for a few days or weeks, and then undercuts the deal or simply ignores it.

There’s a reason for that.

Putin’s strategy is not to end the war quickly. His strategy is to drag it out as long as possible while shaping the political terrain in the West. As long as he can keep the guns firing, he believes he can:

  • Grind down Ukraine’s manpower and infrastructure

  • Burn through Western political patience

  • Deepen divisions between Europe and the United States

  • Wait for elections or leadership changes to give him a more favorable climate

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The War in Israel Isn’t Over
Is this war actually winding down, or are we just in the eye of the storm?

From where I sit, the war in Israel is nowhere near over. It has simply changed shape. What started as a shock on October 7th has become a long, grinding contest across multiple fronts, and while the headlines may have grown tired, the stakes haven’t shrunk at all.

To understand what’s coming, you have to see the whole board, not just the one square called Gaza.

 

Five Fronts, One War

Israel is not dealing with a single isolated conflict. It is facing at least five interconnected fronts, each of them fragile and potentially explosive:

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  4. Syria

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Gaza: A “Ceasefire” in Name Only

Let’s start with Gaza, because that’s where most cameras still point, at least when they bother to look.

On paper, there’s been a ceasefire. On the ground, Hamas has been shooting at Israeli troops almost every day. There have been firefights, mortars, IED attacks, and at least a few IDF soldiers killed since that so-called pause went into effect.

The Israelis have divided the Strip into zones: a red zone where Hamas still controls the ground, and a green zone under IDF control. You’d think the green zone would be relatively stable, but in reality Hamas fighters keep emerging from tunnel shafts inside those areas and ambushing Israeli patrols. More than forty of those fighters have been killed in these incidents alone.

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The map we’re looking at right now will probably define Gaza for the foreseeable future. Israel is unlikely to pull completely out of the green zone anytime soon. If it did, there are at least nine local militias in that territory—tribal groups that hate Hamas—who would instantly start fighting for control. You’d see a civil war inside a war.

On top of that, Hamas still holds weapons, still has command structures, and still has fighters who believe, very sincerely, that Israel has no right to exist. That’s why Israel’s second war aim—after bringing the hostages home—was to dismantle Hamas as a fighting force. They have not finished that job, and they know it.

 

The Hostages and the Narrative of “Israel is Losing”

A lot of pundits you see online—especially people like Douglas Macgregor, Scott Ritter, and some of the usual talking heads—keep repeating the line that “Israel has lost this war” and is collapsing from within.

That claim doesn’t hold up.

Israel has managed to secure the return of every single hostage except one. When this war began, I honestly didn’t think that was possible. The chaos in Gaza, the tunnel networks, the sheer brutality of Hamas made it seem almost inevitable that many captives would simply disappear—killed, buried, or used as human shields until the end.

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Is something about to break between the United States and Venezuela—or is this just more noise?

If you’re watching from Venezuela, Trinidad, Colombia, or anywhere in the region, you don’t need me to tell you that the temperature is rising. Airspace restrictions, warships in the Caribbean, drug boats getting blown out of the water, and now more details about that phone call between President Trump and Nicolás Maduro—all of it points in one direction:

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The Trump–Maduro Phone Call: No Deals Left to Make

For several days we only knew that Trump and Maduro had spoken. Now we know a lot more about what was said.

According to Trump, the call was simple and blunt. Maduro wanted a deal: Let me stay in power, let me keep control of the military, and I’ll “help” you fight drugs. In other words: keep the cartel state intact, just rebrand it a bit.

Trump’s answer? No deal.

He essentially told Maduro, You’re out of bargaining chips. You’re not in a position to negotiate. You need to leave.

Whether that was phrased as a formal ultimatum or not, the message was clear: Washington is done pretending Maduro is a normal head of state. He’s a narco-dictator sitting on a collapsing country that has become a forward operating base for Russia, China, Iran, and every Marxist mischief-maker in the hemisphere.

That kind of phone call doesn’t happen unless other pieces are already on the board: intelligence operations, military deployments, diplomatic groundwork. And those pieces are very much in motion.

 

What Venezuela Looks Like From the Inside

To understand why things feel so volatile, you have to understand what daily life actually looks like inside Venezuela right now.

Hyperinflation has turned the national currency into colorful trash. The nominal minimum wage is about one U.S. dollar a month. Nobody lives on that, of course. People survive on side hustles, multiple family members crammed into one home, whatever odd jobs they can find, and—crucially—remittances from relatives abroad.

It costs roughly $500 a month to feed a family of four decently. The average Venezuelan scrapes together maybe a third to half of that. That gap is hunger. It’s kids fainting at school. It’s medicine you can’t afford and hospitals that demand you buy your own drugs before a nurse will even hang the IV bag.

I’ve been to the border city of Cúcuta, Colombia, many times. At night the streets are lined with Venezuelan women—some as young as 13 or 14—selling the only thing they still have left to sell. Many of them are mothers with husbands back home. They’re not there because they want to be. They’re there because socialism destroyed their economy, shredded the rule of law, and shoved them into a scarcity mindset where survival trumps morality.

That’s what twenty-five years of Chavista “revolution” does. It doesn’t just wreck GDP charts. It corrodes the culture from the inside out.

So when people say, “Hey, if things are so bad, why haven’t Venezuelans overthrown Maduro?”—the short answer is: he kept just enough money flowing to keep people barely alive and too exhausted, too beaten down, and too afraid to rise up.

Which brings us to the money.

 

Who’s Keeping Maduro Afloat?

At this point, two main lifelines keep the regime from collapsing outright:

  1. Oil revenues, especially via Chevron, which pumps roughly 200,000+ barrels a day out of Venezuela under a special license. Under Trump’s terms, that money is supposed to be used mainly to pay down debt, not prop up the regime—but money is fungible. Any debt paid with Chevron cash is money Maduro doesn’t have to spend himself.

  2. Remittances, mostly from Venezuelans abroad. We’re talking $4–5 billion a year flowing back into the country. That’s a huge chunk of what keeps ordinary families from starving—and indirectly keeps Maduro in place, because it prevents the kind of total collapse that would spark an uprising.

So you have a regime that can’t feed its people, can’t keep the lights on, and still finds billions for Cuban advisers, security forces, and friendly gangs—colectivos—who do the dirty work: intimidation, disappearances, torture, and political killings.

This is the system Trump is now openly threatening.

 

The Drug War at Sea—and the Double-Tap Controversy

Layered on top of the political drama is a shooting war at sea that most Americans are barely aware of.

U.S. forces have been blowing up narco-boats in the Caribbean and the Pacific—fast craft with four or five outboard motors or semi-submersibles that exist for exactly one purpose: smuggling drugs. These vessels aren’t 10 miles off a beach; they’re 80–90 miles offshore, running dark, and moving way too fast for anyone to pretend they’re fishing boats.

The Pentagon says they know who’s on these boats, where they left from, where they’re headed, and what they’re carrying. The cartels involved have been designated foreign terrorist organizations. So the U.S. has declared this an armed conflict with those groups.

That’s why they’re using missiles instead of Coast Guard boarding parties.

The problem is the last strike, where a Washington Post story—based on anonymous sources—claims Secretary of War Pete Hegseth ordered a second hit on a wrecked boat where two survivors were clinging to the debris. If that’s true, and those men were no longer a threat, then under the laws of armed conflict that would cross the line into an unlawful killing.

Hegseth flatly denies giving that order. Congress has launched investigations. Until the classified intel comes out, anyone claiming to know exactly what happened is guessing.

Here’s the key point: finding out what happened, and prosecuting it if necessary, is exactly what differentiates a flawed but functioning republic from a regime like Maduro’s, where crimes by the state are covered up, not corrected.

Which brings us to the speeches.

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