Chuck Holton
Politics • Culture • News
Please Don’t Kill My Son
By Dave Eubank, Founder of the Free Burma Rangers
November 11, 2024
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2 November 2024 (republished with permission)

Peter comforts wounded ISIS child in Syria.

Can we love others as we love our children? Can we love our enemies as if they were our children? At our recent board meeting in the United States, one of our board members, Doug Yoder, told the story of Adam and Eve and their children Cain and Abel. Cain killed Abel and there were consequences. However, Adam and Eve did not kill the remaining son, Cain in punishment.

Later on, King David faced the rebellion of his son. Absalom took over the royal city, committed evil and then came out with an army to kill his own father and those with him. King David rallied his own army to stop this attack but told his men not to kill his son. In the battle, Absalom’s forces were defeated and he was killed despite the king’s orders. King David was distraught and heartbroken and had to be reminded by his men that more people were at stake, not just his rebellious son. King David understood but was overcome with grief.

From then until now, people have been killing each other. And, from then until now, the idea of killing our own children is so horrible we can’t even think about it. If I would never hurt my own children, how can I hurt someone else’s?

My father told me after he served in the Korean War that sometimes you may need to stop a man’s heart with a bullet, but you can never change a man’s heart with a bullet. Dad said, “I want to be working with God to change people’s hearts with the love of Jesus.” That is the same mission of the Free Burma Rangers. Our mission is to share Jesus’s love, help people, and get the news out. It is not to fight or kill. At the same time, we have faced people doing great evil such as ISIS who were killing men, women, and children right in front of us and attacking us as well. In some cases, we have fought back. The same has been true in Burma.

How can we be willing to kill another person’s child, if we would never kill our own? This is something that I’ve struggled with in thought and prayer.

FBR medic Joseph delivers a baby of ISIS after they surrendered in Syria.

With the encouragement of my cousin, Ernest Herndon, who is a journalist, I wanted to share this message. God is with us in every situation and has the answer.

In Mosul, Iraq, as we were helping treat the wounded and feed people, we were attacked numerous times by ISIS. Many of our team were wounded and one, Shaheen, was killed. I was shot point-blank by ISIS fighters as they charged us during one mission. The ISIS men were smiling as they fired. My Iraqi friends were being shot and killed around me. I prayed, “God help me” — and fought back.

We were able to stop the attackers, but only by killing them. Afterward, I prayed for their souls, that they would be forgiven and go to heaven. I also prayed for my own forgiveness and experienced peace. I felt we had done the better thing to stop them rather than let them kill us and keep killing others.

But I couldn’t help but think: what would their mothers and fathers feel when they found out they had lost their sons? What if it was my son that had been one of the attackers? That was heartbreaking, and I prayed for comfort for the families of these ISIS men and for God’s answer. I did not hear anything definitive, but I did feel a peace. We were just people, we didn’t have all the answers, we had done our best and only God is God.

Wounded ISIS families surrender in Syria.

Another time we were with Kurdish forces who liberated a village controlled by ISIS. Supporting the Kurdish forces were American aircraft that had bombed and killed ISIS fighters, but also had accidentally bombed and killed an entire Arab family of eight. The family ranged from a few-month-old baby to the mother and father.

Eight people, dead, mangled and torn, wrapped in blood-soaked blankets.

The village men were carrying them to be buried. I was there. What do I do? How can I help? To them am I not the enemy? It would be an insult and a pain in their sight to have an American approach them now.

I prayed and the answer came to me: I am an ambassador of Jesus, I must do something. I prayed and went forward. I asked forgiveness on behalf of America and the pilot and I told them this was a mistake and an accident. They looked at me with sorrow and rage and gathered closely around me. I could feel their pain, despair, and anger.

I prayed again and got on my knees. I told them “I only have one life and it’s not worth the eight who were killed, but I offer it to you.” I told them, “I don’t have time to ask my wife and children if I can give my life or not, but I give it to you, you can kill me if you want to.”

I raised my hands, closed my eyes, and prayed. I felt the powerful arms of a big man who was the brother of the family that was killed. He lifted me to my feet and looked in my eyes and said, “We won’t kill you. We don’t hate you.” Tears streamed down his face. We cried together and hugged each other. The other men gathered around closely, crying also. We were so sad and so broken together.

Kneeling in front of the older brother and villagers and asking forgiveness.

We became friends with that village and later built a playground in honor of the family; the US government did pay reparations. None of this brought the dead family back, but there was love, forgiveness, and comfort for each other. A sorrow shared is divided and a joy shared is multiplied. As we suffered together in that Arab village, our sorrows were divided, and when the children played on the playground later, our joys were multiplied. The dead did not come back, but we could see God bringing good from the evil that happened.

Children at the playground dedicated to the family that was killed, Iraq

God made it clear to me years ago in Burma that nothing truly precious is eternally lost. We will see each other again because of the love of Jesus, and this knowledge makes room for forgiveness.

I remember the words of my professor, Chuck Craft, at Fuller Seminary: “You can live well with sorrow, but you can’t live well with shame.” When we share our sorrow, we can comfort each other. Jesus can take away our shame by forgiving us – and when we forgive those who have wronged us, we can have a part in taking away their shame and helping open a door to redemption for them.

For us and most of you, dear readers, most of the time we are not fighting people physically, but we all are in some form of battle with people who have hurt or betrayed us. We can ask Jesus, “What do I do now?” God has helped me to ask, what would I do if it was my child who just hurt me? When we’re trying to help our children who have done something wrong, we pray for love and wisdom to be able to stand firmly on the truth in love and also in justice.

Something I learned in the battle against ISIS is this: love is the difference between revenge and justice. The only way we get justice is with love, love for the perpetrator and the victim. Justice is born of love and forgiveness and builds up; revenge, is born of hate and shame, and destroys. Justice is our responsibility. Revenge will destroy us and not bring about justice or healing.

When we’ve been badly hurt, Jesus can supernaturally help us forgive and move towards justice. If we allow it, He will fill us with His love for everyone involved. In love, we give discipline and punishment to our children to stop them from doing the wrong thing and build them up. As we pray to God for love for our enemies, He will give us that love and help us see our enemies as if they were our children. God will help us know when and how to take a stand.

Ranger giving blood to a Burma soldier in Karenni as our doctors save his life.

We are going back to join our teams in Burma where 65 our team members have been killed, and hundreds of us have been wounded. In the last three years alone, thousands of men, women, and children have been killed and over three million displaced in brutal attacks by the Burma military. But we pray for the military as if they were our children.

We thank God for the opportunities to treat wounded Burma soldiers and carry them to safety. We thank Him for the time young Rangers donated their own blood to a wounded Burman soldier who just minutes before was trying to kill them. We thank Jesus that we have had chances to pray with Burma Army soldiers and tell them who He is. These acts of love offer hope for redemption for these soldiers who are stained by the shameful evil they’ve taken part in.

In all our lives, there may be a time to fight physically, legally, or some other way, but we always need to remember, we could be fighting our own children. That other person we’re fighting is always someone’s child. May God help us remember that, see our own sins and faults in the situation, and forgive others just as we want God to forgive us. Since in the end, we are all children of God.

Thanks and God bless you,

Dave, family and FBR

Check out additional photos below:

Our family together in Burma on a mission earlier this year.
Carrying the wife of a Burma police officer who was our enemy after fighting in Karenni. 
Pete and team carry a wounded Burma soldier to safety while being bombed in Karenni State, Burma. 
Sahale in Bagouz, Syria, with surrendered ISIS mother, and the gospel book Sahale gave her.
Karen gives Good Life Club shirt to an ISIS child in Syria.
Sahale and team feed and share about the love of Jesus with ISIS families who surrendered in Syria.
Playground dedicated to the family that was killed in the airstrike, Iraq.

Love each other
Unite and work for freedom, justice and peace
Forgive and do not hate each other
Pray with faith, Act with courage
Never surrender

The Free Burma Rangers (FBR) mission is to provide hope, help and love to internally displaced people inside Burma, Sudan, Kurdistan, Iraq and Syria regardless of ethnicity or religion. Using a network of indigenous field teams, FBR reports on human rights abuses, casualties and the humanitarian needs of people who are under oppression. FBR provides medical, spiritual and educational resources for IDP communities as they struggle to survive attacks.

For more information, please visit www.freeburmarangers.org

© 2024 Free Burma Rangers | Contact FBR

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The Strait Is Burning — And Nobody Wants to Say What Comes Next

A massive oil tanker, the Al-Salmi, had been struck just off Dubai.

Now, that alone would be enough to raise eyebrows. But this wasn’t some empty vessel drifting through contested waters. This ship was fully loaded—over two million barrels of crude—and quietly making its way toward China under what was supposed to be a kind of uneasy understanding with Iran. The rules, as they had been laid out, were simple enough: if you were friendly, or if your cargo was headed to someone Iran considered friendly, you’d be allowed through the Strait of Hormuz.

Except this time, that understanding didn’t hold. The drone hit anyway. And just like that, the illusion of control—whatever fragile version of it existed—started to crack.

When the Rules Stop Meaning Anything

What you’re watching unfold right now isn’t just another escalation in a long-running conflict. It’s something more subtle and, in many ways, more dangerous. It’s the moment when the rules that everyone pretends to follow suddenly stop being reliable.

For weeks, Iran has been signaling that it could manage the flow of traffic through the Strait—tightening it, regulating it, even monetizing it by charging massive tolls for passage. It was a bold move, but it came with an implicit promise: play by our rules, and you’ll get through. But when a ship that meets those conditions gets hit anyway, that promise evaporates. And when that happens, markets don’t wait around for explanations. They react.

Oil prices have been climbing steadily, inching their way past thresholds that start to make governments nervous and consumers uneasy. We’re now looking at crude pushing well past $100 a barrel, with some grades climbing even higher, and that upward pressure isn’t coming from speculation alone—it’s coming from uncertainty.

Because once trust disappears from a critical chokepoint like the Strait of Hormuz, everything that depends on it becomes unstable.

And that’s where the real story begins.

This Was Never Just About Oil

Most people hear “Strait of Hormuz” and think oil—and yes, that’s a big part of it. But if that’s all you’re seeing, you’re missing the bigger picture.

What moves through that narrow stretch of water isn’t just fuel for your car or heating for your home. It’s also the backbone of global agriculture. A significant portion of the world’s nitrogen-based fertilizer passes through that same corridor, and without it, entire planting seasons can collapse.

And here’s the problem: timing.

Farmers in large parts of the world don’t have the luxury of waiting. There’s a window—a narrow one—when crops have to be planted. If fertilizer doesn’t arrive in time, yields drop. And when yields drop across multiple regions at once, you don’t just get higher prices. You get shortages. In places like Africa and parts of Asia, that’s not an inconvenience—it’s a crisis.

So when you see a tanker burning off the coast of Dubai, you’re not just looking at a military incident. You’re looking at the first tremors of something that could ripple through global food systems months from now.

That’s the part nobody’s putting in the headlines yet.

Winning the Fight—and Still Losing the War

Now here’s where things get complicated, because if you’re looking strictly at the battlefield, the United States is doing exactly what it set out to do.

According to Brad Cooper, U.S. forces have struck more than 11,000 targets inside Iran, dismantling key elements of their military infrastructure and steadily eroding their ability to project power beyond their borders.

You’re seeing it in the numbers, but you’re also seeing it in the pattern of attacks.

Missile launches are down. Drone activity is decreasing. Naval capabilities are being chipped away piece by piece. There was even a moment recently when Israel experienced a full night without incoming missile alerts—something that would have seemed unthinkable just weeks ago.

From a tactical standpoint, it’s hard to argue with the results.

But wars aren’t won on spreadsheets, and they’re not decided by how many targets you can check off a list.

Because the deeper you look into Iran, the more you start to understand just how vast and layered the problem really is.

The Problem You Can’t Bomb Away

There’s a moment in every conflict where you realize that destruction alone isn’t going to get you where you need to go, and we may be approaching that moment here. Iran isn’t a single target. It’s not even a collection of targets. It’s a system.

You have the clerical leadership at the top—thousands of religious figures who shape ideology and influence. You have the civilian government, which on paper runs the country but in practice often struggles to assert control. And then you have the real power center: the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps.

The IRGC isn’t just a military force. It’s an economic empire, a political machine, and a shadow government all rolled into one. Estimates put their numbers somewhere between 250,000 and 500,000 personnel, embedded across every sector that matters. You can degrade that system. You can disrupt it. You can hit its infrastructure again and again. But you can’t simply erase it from the air.

And if the objective is lasting change, that creates a dilemma. Because the alternative—boots on the ground—comes with its own set of realities that are far harder to ignore.

The Reality of Ground War

At one point in the briefing, the question came up: what could we actually do with the forces currently in the region?

On paper, the numbers sound substantial. But when you break them down, the number of actual combat troops—what you might call “trigger pullers”—is much smaller.

And when you start mapping out potential objectives—nuclear facilities, missile farms, hardened underground complexes—you quickly realize how limited those numbers really are.

Take something like a deeply buried facility hidden beneath a mountain, with multiple entrances, reinforced tunnels, and defensive positions spread across the surrounding terrain. Securing a site like that wouldn’t be a quick raid. It would require layered operations, perimeter control, logistics, and sustained presence. Not hours. Days, maybe weeks. And all of it taking place hundreds of miles from friendly territory, with supply lines stretched thin and the constant threat of counterattack. This isn’t Iraq in 2003. It’s not Afghanistan in 2001.

This is something else.

The Only Way Out Might Be the One Nobody Trusts

So where does that leave us?

According to Pete Hegseth and others inside the administration, there are signs—quiet ones—that elements within Iran are looking for a way out. Not publicly, of course. Publicly, the message is defiance. But behind the scenes, there are indications that conversations may be happening. If that’s true, it presents an opportunity. But it also raises a question.

Can you negotiate with a system that isn’t unified? Can you strike a deal with people who might not survive long enough to honor it?

And even if you could, the conditions being demanded—complete dismantling of missile programs, nuclear capabilities, and proxy networks—aren’t small concessions. They’re surrender terms. Which means any offramp, if it exists at all, is going to be narrow.

What Happens Next

If you zoom out far enough, what you see right now is a conflict that’s only a month old, but already stretching into territory that usually takes years to reach.

The average war lasts about three years. We’re just getting started. And yet, in that short time, the stakes have already expanded beyond the battlefield—into energy markets, into food supply chains, into alliances that are starting to show strain under pressure. The Strait of Hormuz is still open, technically. Ships are still moving. But something fundamental has changed. Because once a system starts to lose predictability, once the rules become optional, every decision—from shipping routes to military strategy—has to account for the possibility that tomorrow won’t look anything like today. And that’s when things tend to escalate. Not all at once. But step by step, until one day you look up and realize you’re somewhere you never planned to be.

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Ultimatums and Escalation: What’s Really Happening in the War with Iran

Over the past several days, much of the public conversation surrounding the war with Iran has focused on a single moment: President Trump’s ultimatum demanding that Tehran reopen the Strait of Hormuz within 48 hours or face the destruction of its energy infrastructure.

The reaction was immediate and intense. Critics warned that such a move could constitute a war crime. Supporters framed it as decisive leadership. But beneath the surface of that debate lies a more important question—one that has received far less attention.

What was the ultimatum actually meant to accomplish?

Because in practical terms, deadlines of this kind rarely function as leverage against regimes like Iran. Instead, they tend to place pressure on the one issuing them. When a leader publicly commits to a course of action within a fixed window, failure to follow through risks undermining credibility. In that sense, the ultimatum may have been as much a test of American resolve as it was a warning to Tehran.

Iran’s response reflected that reality. Rather than backing down, officials signaled indifference, even inviting escalation. For a regime that has repeatedly demonstrated a willingness to sacrifice civilian welfare for strategic advantage, threats against infrastructure are unlikely to produce compliance. If anything, they provide an opportunity to shift the narrative and rally international sympathy.

Within days, the administration adjusted course—extending the timeline and suggesting that diplomatic channels might still be open. Whether those negotiations are genuine or simply part of a broader strategy remains unclear. Iranian officials have publicly denied that talks are taking place, while the United States has offered little verifiable detail.

But while public messaging has shifted, developments on the ground tell a more consequential story.

 

A Significant Military Buildup

In parallel with these political signals, the United States has quietly moved substantial forces into the region. Open-source reporting indicates at least three dozen strategic airlift missions—primarily C-17 aircraft—departing from major U.S. installations associated with special operations forces.

These include bases such as Fort Bragg, Hunter Army Airfield, and Joint Base Lewis-McChord—locations known for housing elite units including Army Rangers, Green Berets, and other specialized elements.

The scale and origin of these deployments strongly suggest preparation for targeted operations rather than routine reinforcement. Historically, such movements precede the formation of a combined joint special operations task force, designed to execute precise, high-value missions with speed and limited footprint.

These units are not conventional ground forces intended for prolonged occupation. Their role is far more focused: rapid insertion, objective neutralization, and immediate extraction.

 

Strategic Objectives Taking Shape

If such operations are imminent, the likely targets are not difficult to identify.

First, control of the Strait of Hormuz remains central to the conflict. Several small islands—Greater Tunb, Lesser Tunb, and Abu Musa—provide Iran with direct oversight of maritime traffic through the strait. Securing or neutralizing these positions would significantly reduce Iran’s ability to threaten global shipping.

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Day 20 of the Iran War: Escalation, Energy Pressure, and the Battle Over the Narrative

Twenty days into the war with Iran, the pace of operations is not slowing in any meaningful way. If anything, the tempo is increasing. Despite repeated claims from pundits and political commentators that the conflict is nearing some natural plateau, the public statements coming from both Washington and Jerusalem point in the opposite direction. U.S. and Israeli forces continue to expand the scale and depth of their campaign, targeting military infrastructure, industrial production, naval assets, and energy-related vulnerabilities inside Iran.

Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth said this morning that U.S. forces are still setting records for the number of targets struck per day. The Israelis have now reported approximately 8,500 targets hit since the conflict began, and by their own assessment they are not even halfway through the target set. That matters, because it underscores a basic reality that many casual observers miss: Iran is a vast country with deep infrastructure, difficult terrain, and a military architecture built over decades to absorb punishment and continue operating under pressure. This was never going to be resolved in a matter of days.

What has changed, however, is the scale of degradation already inflicted on Iran’s military capacity. According to the Pentagon, Iranian ballistic missile attacks against U.S. forces are down roughly 90 percent since the war began, and the same is reportedly true of one-way attack drones. That does not mean Iran has stopped firing. It means its capacity to sustain previous rates of attack has been severely reduced. Iran would be shooting much more if it still could. The fact that it cannot tells us something important about how much damage has already been done to its production lines, storage facilities, launch systems, and command structure.

The naval picture is even more striking. Hegseth stated that more than 120 Iranian naval vessels have been damaged or sunk, with battle damage assessments still pending on many others. Iran’s submarine fleet, once counted at eleven boats, has reportedly been eliminated as an effective fighting force. Its surface fleet is no longer a significant factor in the conflict, and its military ports have been badly crippled. In practical terms, that means Iran’s ability to project power at sea, mine shipping lanes, and sustain meaningful maritime pressure has been heavily reduced. U.S. Central Command continues to publish footage of strikes against Iranian boats in and around the Gulf, indicating that forces are still finding and destroying targets at sea rather than running out of them.

That point is worth emphasizing because one of the recurring narratives in recent days has been that the campaign is somehow reaching exhaustion. President Trump himself joked about the idea that there were “no targets left,” but the reality is exactly the opposite. There are many targets left, and the coalition is still expanding the strike list as Iranian assets are exposed, relocated, or activated in response to pressure.

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