Chuck Holton
Politics • Culture • News
The Syrian Conflict:
Alawites, Hezbollah, and the Struggle for Power
March 13, 2025
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The Syrian conflict is one of the most complex and misunderstood wars of the modern era. While recent massacres of Alawites and Christians have drawn international condemnation, it is crucial to understand the deeper historical and sectarian dynamics at play. The Assad regime, dominated by the Alawite minority, has long been allied with Hezbollah, an Iran-backed Lebanese militant group, to maintain power in Syria. Meanwhile, the Sunni majority has suffered decades of brutal repression, and the Christian minority finds itself caught in the crossfire, suffering regardless of who is in control.

The Sunni-Shia Divide in Syria

Syria’s population is primarily Sunni Muslim (about 74%), but its ruling elite belongs to the Alawite sect, a branch of Shia Islam. Historically, the Alawites were a marginalized group, but under French colonial rule (1920-1946), they gained influence through military service. By the time Hafez al-Assad seized power in 1970, the Alawites had entrenched themselves within the military, intelligence services, and government bureaucracy.

This created deep resentment among the Sunni majority, who viewed Alawite rule as illegitimate and oppressive. The Sunni-Shia divide has been a driving force of conflict in Syria, with Sunnis leading opposition movements and Islamist groups seeking to overthrow the regime, while Alawites, fearing persecution, have clung to power by any means necessary.

The Assad Regime’s Alliance with Hezbollah

Hezbollah, a Lebanese Shia militia and proxy of Iran, has played a crucial role in propping up the Assad regime. While Alawites and Shia Muslims historically had distinct religious traditions, Iran has embraced Alawites as part of the Shia fold to expand its influence in Syria.

Hezbollah’s Military Role in Syria

When the Syrian civil war erupted in 2011, Hezbollah intervened decisively on Assad’s behalf. The group provided:

  • Elite fighters to reinforce Assad’s struggling army.

  • Urban warfare specialists to retake rebel-held cities.

  • Advanced weaponry and logistics supplied by Iran.

  • Assassination squads to eliminate opposition leaders.

One of Hezbollah’s most significant interventions was during the Battle of Qusayr (2013), a strategic town on the Lebanese border. Hezbollah fighters spearheaded the regime’s assault, demonstrating how deeply the Alawite regime depended on its Shia allies.

Alawite Rule and the Systematic Persecution of Sunnis

While recent killings of Alawites by Sunni jihadist groups have garnered international attention, it is essential to recognize that the Assad regime’s repression of Sunnis has been far more extensive and systematic. Some key examples include:

  • The Hama Massacre (1982): Hafez al-Assad’s forces killed between 10,000 and 40,000 Sunnis to crush an Islamist uprising.

  • The Syrian Civil War (2011-Present): Assad’s forces have bombed Sunni-majority cities, used chemical weapons (e.g., Ghouta, 2013), and displaced millions.

  • The Role of Pro-Regime Militias: Alawite militias like the Shabiha carried out mass executions, rapes, and looting in Sunni neighborhoods.

Despite these atrocities, many Western observers fail to see the Alawite regime as a primary aggressor, instead focusing on the war crimes of jihadist factions. However, the Syrian government’s brutality fueled the rise of extremism, as moderate Sunni opposition groups were wiped out or radicalized in response to the regime’s scorched-earth policies.

The Forgotten Suffering of Syria’s Christians

Syria’s Christian minority has been disproportionately affected by the war, suffering no matter who is in charge.

Assad’s Repression of Christians

While Assad has portrayed himself as a protector of Christians, his regime has also persecuted Christian political activists, imprisoned church leaders who refused to endorse him, and bombed Christian-majority areas when they aligned with the opposition.

Jihadist Persecution of Christians

On the other hand, radical Sunni groups like ISIS and Al-Nusra Front have targeted Christians, forcing them to convert, flee, or be executed. Christian churches have been destroyed, and entire communities wiped out.

The Exodus of Syrian Christians

Before the war, Christians made up about 10% of Syria’s population (1.7 million people). Today, that number has plummeted to 300,000-500,000, with most fleeing to Europe or Lebanon. More than a million Christians have been displaced, caught between the brutality of the regime and the extremism of Islamist groups.

Conclusion: A War of Power, Not Just Religion

The war in Syria is not just a battle between Sunnis and Shia-aligned Alawites; it is a power struggle where religious identity is often exploited for political gain. The Assad regime and Hezbollah’s alliance has ensured the Alawites’ grip on power, while Sunnis continue to resist their rule. Meanwhile, Syria’s Christians have been devastated, used as pawns by all sides and left without a safe future in their own homeland.

Understanding these dynamics is crucial to seeing the full picture of Syria’s ongoing tragedy. The Alawites may face retaliation today, but for decades, they were the ruling elite who repressed millions. Meanwhile, the Christians—who posed no political threat—continue to suffer, no matter who controls Damascus.

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I had a great view out the plane window as I left Greenland today and the photography is really striking. It’s just solid snow and ice as far as you can see.

Two hours later we were dropping into Iceland, which is almost the same latitude, and it was 43° and rainy. Very strange. I think these two places need to switch names.

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I Went to Greenland. The Truth About Trump's Claim

I stepped off the plane into Nuuk expecting “cold,” the way you expect cold when you’ve looked at a weather app and seen a number with a minus sign attached, but Greenland doesn’t really do cold as a temperature so much as it does cold as a condition—something that presses against your cheeks, creeps into your gloves, and makes the simplest choices feel like strategy, like whether you can afford to stop walking long enough to film a shot without your hands turning into useless bricks.

The first thing that hits you is how close everything feels to the edge of the world: the ocean is right there, the mountains loom like the backdrop of a survival documentary, and the snow doesn’t just “fall,” it moves sideways, drifting and pooling into ridges that force you off sidewalks and into the kind of half-plowed, half-forgotten paths where you start making peace with the idea that you might have to cut between somebody’s house just to find your way back to wherever “home” is tonight.

I walked down to the water because I wanted to see what Nuuk looks like the way Nuuk sees itself—facing outward, facing the sea—and out there, unbelievably, there was a guy in a boat, just working the icy water like it was any other day, which is the kind of detail that makes you realize how quickly humans can normalize the extraordinary when the extraordinary is what they grew up with.

And then there were the icebergs.

Not the dramatic, movie-poster ones you think of when someone says “iceberg,” but these smaller pieces that look like they broke off something much bigger and drifted in close, like the Arctic casually scattering fragments of itself along the shore for you to study up close; some of them were the size of a truck, which still qualifies as “tiny” here, and some were smaller still, but the color is what keeps pulling your eyes back—this improbable, almost luminous blue that looks like it belongs in a gemstone, not in a chunk of frozen seawater sitting on a beach.

It was around sixteen degrees when I filmed that first clip—sixteen Fahrenheit—and people kept telling me, almost cheerfully, that I was lucky, because this was “pretty warm,” and that’s the kind of local optimism you either admire or resent depending on how far into your gloves the cold has crawled.

But I didn’t come to Greenland just to confirm that it is, in fact, Greenland.

I came because I wanted to see what it feels like in a place when the President of the United States starts talking about that place the way a developer talks about an empty lot, or the way a bully talks about a smaller kid’s lunch money, and I wanted to hear it from the people who live here—people who have never had to wonder whether America is a friend, because the assumption has always been yes, of course, that’s what allies are.

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Comprehensive Report: Why Denmark and Greenland Are Not America’s Enemies


Ah, yes, the classic foreign policy move: eye a strategic chunk of ice bigger than Texas, declare it must be yours “one way or another,” and then act surprised when your long-time NATO buddy starts looking at you like you’re the ex who won’t stop texting at 3 a.m. President Trump’s revived obsession with acquiring Greenland—first floated as a cheeky real-estate deal in 2019, now upgraded to vague military-threat territory in his second term—has managed to turn a reliable ally into a diplomatic headache. But let’s be clear: Denmark and Greenland are emphatically not America’s enemies. In fact, they’re the kind of allies who show up when it counts, bleed for the cause, and then get rewarded with public musings about forced annexation. Charming.



The Post-9/11 Loyalty Test: Denmark Actually Showed Up


When the towers fell on September 11, 2001, NATO invoked Article 5 for the first (and so far only) time in its history. An attack on one is an attack on all. The United States called, and Denmark—tiny, prosperous, usually more known for pastries than combat—didn’t just RSVP. They deployed troops to the sharp end.
Denmark sent around 9,500 personnel to Afghanistan between 2002 and 2013, mostly in the brutal Helmand Province as part of the British-led task force. They fought in some of the war’s nastiest spots, suffered ambushes, IEDs, and prolonged sieges (remember Musa Qala in 2006?). The result? 43 Danish soldiers killed in Afghanistan alone—the highest per-capita loss of any NATO ally, even edging out the United States in proportional sacrifice for a nation of under 6 million people. That’s not “token support.” That’s putting skin in the game.
And it didn’t stop there. Denmark was one of the few countries (and the only Scandinavian one) to join the U.S.-led invasion and occupation of Iraq, deploying forces despite domestic controversy. Another 8 Danish soldiers died in Iraq. In total, over 50 Danish troops never came home from these post-9/11 operations.
President Obama once publicly thanked Denmark for its “extraordinary contributions” in Helmand, noting they operated “without caveat” and took “significant casualties.” Yet here we are, years later, with threats to seize Greenland dangling like a bad punchline. If that’s how we treat allies who literally died defending our collective security, no wonder the rest of NATO is side-eyeing the whole thing.


The Greenland Reality Check: Already a Cooperative Arrangement


Greenland isn’t some hostile foreign outpost—it’s Danish sovereign territory, but the U.S. has had a cozy military foothold there since World War II. The 1951 Defense of Greenland Agreement lets American forces operate bases like Pituffik Space Base (formerly Thule Air Base), with radar systems crucial for missile defense and Arctic monitoring.

U.S. planes fly over, land, and conduct operations with Danish cooperation—no need for a takeover when you already have the keys.


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The Backfire Potential: Bravado Meets Reality


Trump’s approach—bluster first, details later—might play well in rally crowds, but it’s textbook overreach when directed at a NATO ally. Danish leaders (and Greenlanders, who poll at ~85% against joining the U.S.) have called it “absurd,” with warnings that any military move would spell “the end of NATO.” Other European allies are rallying behind Denmark, boosting military exercises in Greenland as a not-so-subtle signal. Threatening to invade a partner that invoked Article 5 for us, sent troops to our wars, and hosts our Arctic bases? That’s not “winning” the negotiation—it’s handing Russia and China the propaganda gift of a fractured West on a silver platter.


In the end, Denmark and Greenland aren’t enemies. They’re the friends who had your back when it was dangerous, expensive, and unpopular. Treating them like a hostile takeover target is not just bad strategy—it’s hilariously tone-deaf. Maybe next time, try diplomacy instead of threats. Or at least buy them dinner first. After all, they’ve already paid in blood.

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If you’ve watched Trump over the years, you know he has a pattern: he’ll often sound like he’s easing off right before applying pressure. It’s why a lot of people expected strikes that night. The posture looked like a feint—until it looked like more than a feint.

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