Chuck Holton
Politics • Culture • News
Ceasefire on Life Support: Gaza, Lebanon, and a Quiet War Over Who Controls the “Peace”
November 27, 2025
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Thanksgiving at my son’s house in northern Armenia is not exactly the setting most people picture when they think of Middle East war coverage, but that’s where I am tonight. We just finished a big Thanksgiving dinner with about twenty-five people packed into the house. There are still games going on in the other room, kids laughing, dishes clanking, and the kind of joyful noise that reminds you what peace is supposed to feel like. I’m coming to you over Starlink from that scene, even as we track events in places where the idea of a quiet evening with family is a distant memory.

While we were clearing plates and putting away leftovers, news broke from Israel: the Israelis have received another hostage body back from Palestinian Islamic Jihad inside Gaza. This is not a live rescue, not a dramatic extraction—it is the recovery of remains. That leaves only two confirmed hostage bodies still in Gaza as of now, and Israel is still searching for them. It’s a grim reminder that beneath all the political language about “process,” “ceasefires,” and “security arrangements,” there are real families waiting on final answers about people they loved.

That development folds into a larger question: is this ceasefire still even a ceasefire at all? From where I sit, the answer looks more like “no” than “yes,” and Hamas has essentially said as much by telling U.S. envoy Steve Whitoff that the ceasefire is over. So tonight I want to walk you through what’s happening—not just in Gaza, but in Lebanon, in Judea and Samaria (the West Bank), and in the back-channel effort to create a so-called “Gaza Peace Force.” We’ll talk about why that plan is raising red flags in Israel, what Hamas was really doing in the years leading up to October 7th, and why so much of this comes back to one basic question: who do you trust with a gun, a badge, and international backing?

 

The Ceasefire That Never Really Was

On paper, there is a ceasefire. On the ground, there has been a pattern of violations from Hamas almost from day one. They have repeatedly crossed the yellow line they agreed not to cross, failed to return hostages and remains on schedule, launched attacks on Israeli forces, and sent surveillance drones over Israeli positions in the designated buffer zones. During this “pause,” three IDF soldiers have been killed in Gaza.

Israel has responded by continuing to neutralize threats: targeted airstrikes on known Hamas commanders, strikes on weapons caches and tunnel entrances, and increasingly aggressive efforts to eliminate the infrastructure Hamas uses to wage war. One of the most striking finds in recent weeks was a massive tunnel complex the IDF discovered and nicknamed “the Pentagon”—a seven-kilometer network approximately sixty meters underground. That’s around 150 to 200 feet deep, depending on how you convert it. This is not a crude tunnel with bare dirt walls. It is a hardened underground facility.

Inside, Israeli forces found maps of bases in Israel, training mock-ups of IDF facilities, VR simulators that allowed Hamas fighters to “walk through” Israeli bases virtually, and detailed instructions on how to disable advanced Israeli tanks by striking specific weak points—essentially a “kill switch” for the Merkava.

This did not come out of nowhere. Over at least a two-year period, Hamas built a dedicated intelligence unit of roughly 2,500 operatives who did nothing but monitor IDF soldiers online. They scraped Instagram, Facebook, TikTok, and other platforms, looking at every selfie, every background detail, every casual comment. They infiltrated WhatsApp groups used by soldiers to coordinate logistics. By geolocating photos and analyzing patterns, they were able to map out bases, routines, weapons systems, and vulnerabilities.

In other words, October 7th was not a sudden emotional outburst. It was the culmination of years of careful, patient, methodical preparation—and there is significant evidence that Iran played a key role in helping design and guide that effort. The operations orders recovered from Hamas teams inside Israel show linguistic and stylistic fingerprints consistent with Iranian planners.

So when people talk about this ceasefire as if it is a break between two good-faith actors who simply need to clarify some misunderstandings, they are living in a fantasy. Hamas has treated the pause in fighting as a recovery window: a chance to regroup, rearm, reposition fighters, and buy time. Israel, meanwhile, faces a hard reality: there are still two deceased hostages whose bodies have not been recovered, and every life—living or dead—matters to them. That moral commitment is one reason they have not simply flooded back into Gaza in full force already, but public opinion in Israel is steadily shifting toward resuming the campaign and finishing the job.

 

The Gaza “Peace Force” and a Bad Choice in a Bad Neighborhood

Layered on top of these military developments is a political experiment that looks very good in conference rooms in Doha and Cairo, and very bad from Jerusalem. As part of the U.S.-brokered understanding about Gaza’s future, there is supposed to be a new security and administrative force that will eventually allow Israel to pull its troops out of the Strip without leaving a power vacuum behind.

The basic idea: create a “Gaza Peace Force,” backed by the United States, Jordan, Egypt, and the EU, to handle policing, administration, and internal security in a post-Hamas Gaza.

The problem is that when you start asking, “Who exactly is going to staff this force?” the room gets very quiet.

No country is eager to send its own soldiers into Gaza. Even the Muslim-majority countries that loudly champion Gaza on the world stage do not want their troops patrolling those streets, because they understand perfectly well that it is dangerous duty with a very uncertain political upside. So into that vacuum steps the Palestinian Authority—the same PA that has been paying stipends to terrorists and their families under the “pay for slay” system for years.

The PA’s pitch is simple:
“We’ll do it. We’ll recruit and train a Palestinian police and security force to take over Gaza.”

As of now, more than 5,000 Palestinian men from Judea and Samaria have already been sent to Jordan and Egypt for police training. That’s roughly half of the total projected force size. Training is underway even as the political framework is still being debated.

From Israel’s perspective, this is a red line. The PA has not reformed its financial support for terrorism, has not changed its rhetoric about Israel’s legitimacy, and has not demonstrated that it can or will suppress extremists in its own territories, let alone in Gaza. Replacing Hamas with PA-controlled security forces looks less like “peace” and more like swapping out one brand of hostility for another—trading a fox for a tiger, as some Israelis have put it.

At the United Nations, Israeli representative Danny Danon recently laid this history out plainly. He walked through the pattern: partition proposed in 1947, Israel said yes, local Arab leaders said no and chose war; repeated peace efforts over the years, each one rejected on the Palestinian side while terror networks remained armed and subsidized. His point was simple: a leadership that refuses to disarm terrorists and continues to reward them financially is not building peace, and cannot credibly be given the keys to Gaza.

On the other side of the room, the PA’s representative, Riyad Mansour, offered a completely different narrative: accusing Israel of blocking aid, moving the yellow line to seize more territory, and trying to collapse the ceasefire in order to pursue displacement, occupation, and annexation. He described Gaza and Jerusalem as the “hearts” of Palestine and insisted that Gaza’s future would be decided entirely by Palestinians.

What he did not do was acknowledge the basic fact that the PA’s textbooks, media, and payments systems continue to glorify violence and delegitimize Israel’s existence entirely. When he says “Palestine,” he is not talking about Gaza and the West Bank alone. He is talking about all of Israel, from the river to the sea. That is the context you have to keep in mind when you hear phrases like “no occupation, no blockade, no annexation.” The vision being promoted is not two states living side by side in peace; it is one state, without Jews.

Israel, rightly, is not signing up for that.

 

Aid, Accusations, and the Reality on the Ground

One of the loudest claims at the UN has been that Israel is starving Gaza by holding up aid. The data simply does not support that accusation. Before this war, Gaza’s basic needs were met with somewhere around 300 aid trucks per day. At various times during the war, that number has been significantly exceeded, with hundreds more trucks per day entering the Strip. There are many problems in Gaza right now—destroyed infrastructure, displaced civilians, and of course Hamas’s entrenched military presence—but a deliberate Israeli effort to choke off food and medicine is not one of them.

In fact, you would be hard-pressed to find another war in modern history where the side that is clearly winning militarily has continued to provide large-scale humanitarian aid to the civilian population under the control of its enemy, even while actively fighting that enemy in the same space. Israel has delivered food, fuel, medicine, shelter materials, and even vaccines into a territory run by people who still openly call for its destruction. That doesn’t make every mistake disappear, but it does fundamentally undercut the narrative of a genocidal campaign.

Hamas, for its part, has turned almost every building it can into a potential threat—stuffing weapons caches, command centers, tunnel shafts, and booby-traps into residential blocks, schools, hospitals, and mosques. Faced with that reality, the IDF adopted a simple rule: if a building is wired for war, it will be treated as a battlefield target, not a protected site, because sending soldiers in to defuse every booby trap by hand is a recipe for slaughter.

It is brutal. It is tragic. And it is, under the circumstances, rational. If your entire worldview is built around hating your neighbor more than you care about building a livable society for your own children, you are not going to get to have nice things. That’s not cosmic injustice—it’s cause and effect.

 

A Quieter Front: Lebanon and the Campaign Against Hezbollah

While Gaza gets most of the headlines, there is another front in this war that has been steadily ticking along in the background: Lebanon.

Ever since the current ceasefire framework went into effect more than a year ago, Israel has been striking Hezbollah targets inside Lebanon on a near-daily basis. These are not massive ground invasions, but they are not symbolic pinpricks either. Israel has used airstrikes, drones, and occasional limited incursions to destroy rocket launchers, weapons depots, and senior leadership targets.

Importantly, the ceasefire arrangement was made with the Lebanese government and the United States—not with Hezbollah. Hezbollah has at various points tried to launch or prepare attacks, but many of their attempts have been pre-empted; launch sites have been destroyed before they could fire, and commanders have found themselves on the wrong end of very precise ordnance.

A few days ago, Israel struck again in Beirut’s Dahiyeh neighborhood—a Hezbollah stronghold that many residents had hoped was safe from further strikes. A precision weapon hit the fourth floor of a high-rise apartment block, killing Hezbollah’s chief of staff for southern Lebanon operations, Hayyam Ali Tabatabai (spellings vary). This man was deeply involved in coordinating Hezbollah’s rocket and drone structures with Iran’s Quds Force. Removing him from the equation is a major blow to Hezbollah’s ability to rebuild and organize.

Strategically, Israel appears to be pursuing two goals in Lebanon. First, to make it extremely difficult for Hezbollah to reconstitute the kind of offensive power it had before the current war. Second, to weaken Hezbollah to the point where the Lebanese Army—a weak institution in its own right—could conceivably have a chance at disarming or marginalizing them. In other words, Israel is not escalating for the sake of escalation; it is trying to lock in a future where Hezbollah is no longer the dominant armed actor in southern Lebanon.

Hezbollah’s options for retaliation are limited. They can attempt a symbolic missile strike, which would invite significant Israeli punishment. They can attempt some sort of cross-border infiltration, another October 7th-style attack, which is operationally difficult and likely suicidal. Or they can do nothing and try to quietly survive. The most likely option, given how badly their leadership has been gutted, is “do as little as possible and hope Israel stops hitting us.”

 

Who Trains the “Peacekeepers”?

Let’s come back to that Gaza Peace Force for a moment, because there is a layer to this story that you will not hear in most mainstream coverage.

We know that thousands of Palestinian recruits from Judea and Samaria are being trained in Jordan and Egypt right now. We know that the King Hussein training facility near Amman has long been a hub where U.S. troops and contractors train Jordanian and other regional security forces. And we know that the United States has been financing and facilitating the training of Palestinian Authority police officers for years, with the idea that they would keep a lid on extremists and help build “rule of law.”

That theory has not aged well. There have already been cases in which U.S.-trained Palestinian policemen, using U.S.-supplied firearms, turned those weapons on Israeli soldiers in terror attacks. The very people who were supposed to be partners for stability became attackers.

So when we hear that the new Gaza force is being trained in places where Americans are known to operate as instructors and advisors, it is reasonable to suspect that U.S. contractors may already be involved in preparing this new cadre of Palestinian security personnel. They may not be American troops in uniform, but they are working with American money, American doctrine, and often American oversight.

Is that automatically a bad thing? Not necessarily. But it does raise uncomfortable questions for American taxpayers. Do we trust the Palestinian Authority enough to keep arming and training its forces in the hope that they will restrain extremism, when we have historical proof that some of them have joined it? Is this a problem that can be solved with better police tactics, or is it fundamentally a problem of worldview and ideology—a problem that can’t be fixed with a six-week course and a graduation certificate?

If you really wanted to change the moral framework of these societies, you would send missionaries with Bibles, not just trainers with badge curricula. But that is not how Western diplomacy works these days. We keep assuming that if we build another “professionalized” force, give it patches and uniforms and human resources manuals, it will somehow produce a different outcome than the last dozen forces we trained.

Color me skeptical.

 

Zooming Out: America’s Role, Ukraine, and the Politics of Selective Outrage

Some of you in the comments have asked versions of the same big question: with the United States in such rough shape at home—culturally, politically, economically—do we even have any business telling other nations how to run their affairs?

It’s a fair question, but I don’t think the answer is simply “no.” America remains one of the most charitable nations on earth by any measure. Americans still give more to private charity than any other people group in the world, and our tradition of rule of law, religious participation, and civic life—though under attack—is still stronger than in many places. That doesn’t mean we are perfect or that we haven’t drifted. It does mean we still have something worth exporting: not empire, but example.

Where I think we go wrong is when we confuse handing out money with solving problems. We’ve seen clearly in recent years, including in domestic programs like SNAP, that simply sending checks does not break generational poverty or fix bad habits. It often traps people in dependency, hollowing out their dignity and initiative. The same applies abroad. Pouring billions into corrupt systems doesn’t make them less corrupt. It just raises the stakes.

This ties directly into another front that came up in our Q&A: Ukraine.

I’ve been in Ukraine repeatedly since the war started. I was on the ground when Russian missiles began falling, and I’ve spent time in the Russian-speaking regions that Moscow claims it is “liberating.” The story that Ukraine was persecuting Russian speakers and that Putin rode in to “rescue” them is fiction. The official language in Ukraine is Ukrainian; that is not persecution any more than insisting on English for U.S. government documents would be. The people I spoke to were not begging Russia to “save” them. They were simply living their lives—right up until Russian tanks rolled across their borders.

Russia recognized Ukraine’s independence decades ago, signed agreements guaranteeing its security, and then broke those promises. The war is being fought almost entirely on Ukrainian soil. Ukraine did not invade Russia to expand its territory. Russia invaded Ukraine to erase its independence. Those are the facts.

That’s why it has been so discouraging to watch the current U.S. administration flip-flop on Ukraine, cutting aid to the bare minimum and then wagging its finger about “necessary compromises.” At one point, a 28-point “peace plan” was floated that essentially demanded Ukraine surrender large chunks of territory and massively downgrade its own military. President Zelensky’s response, in essence, was that Ukraine has a choice between maintaining its dignity or clinging to a partner that no longer keeps its word. He chose dignity, and I don’t blame him.

It is painful to say this, but the way some of our leaders have treated Ukraine—misrepresenting Zelensky’s gratitude, parroting Kremlin talking points, and undermining a nation fighting for its survival—has been deeply dishonorable. I don’t think that’s because our leaders are stupid. I think it’s because they are listening to the wrong people, many of whom are more concerned with their own access and ego than with truth.

 

Where This Leaves Us

So where does all of this leave us tonight?

  • In Gaza, a “ceasefire” exists mostly on paper while Hamas uses the pause to recover and Israel continues to dismantle its war machine piece by piece. Two hostage bodies remain unrecovered, and public pressure in Israel is building to resume large-scale operations once that grim task is finished.

  • In Lebanon, Hezbollah is absorbing blow after blow to its leadership and infrastructure, with Israel signaling that any attempt to rebuild offensive capacity will be met with more of the same. The message is: attack us, and you will pay far more than you ever did before.

  • In Judea and Samaria, Palestinian Authority cadres are being trained as the nucleus of a future Gaza Peace Force—funded and in many cases trained with American help—even though the PA still funds and glorifies terror and remains committed to a vision of “Palestine” that leaves no room for Israel.

  • In the wider region, Iran is weakened but still dangerous, the Houthis are quieter for the moment but may reappear as a threat to shipping more than to Israel directly, and the diplomatic machinery in Doha, Cairo, Washington, and elsewhere is whirring away, trying to square circles that may not be mathematically squarable.

And back here in my son’s house in Armenia, the dishes are still clinking in the kitchen, and people are still laughing over board games. That contrast—between the messy but peaceful normalcy of family life and the brutality of what we’ve been talking about—ought to remind us what’s at stake. Free societies, even imperfect ones, are rare and fragile. They are worth defending. They are worth telling the truth for, even when that truth isn’t fashionable.

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FBI Foils Alleged Mall of America Attack as Online Radicalization Raises New Concerns

The arrest of an 18-year-old accused of planning a mass shooting in Minnesota has renewed questions about extremist recruitment, youth violence and the growing influence of online networks.

Federal authorities have reportedly disrupted a potential mass-casualty attack at the Mall of America in Minnesota, arresting an 18-year-old man accused of preparing to open fire on shoppers in what investigators believe was an act of jihadist-inspired violence.

The Mall of America in Bloomington, Minnesota, was the alleged target of a mass shooting planned for October 24, 2026. Federal investigators say an 18-year-old suspect intended to kill dozens of shoppers during a Hmong arts celebration before FBI agents arrested him on October 6.

 

According to details discussed during my latest broadcast, the suspect had allegedly obtained an AK-47-style rifle and approximately 200 rounds of ammunition, with the intention of killing between 30 and 60 people inside one of the country's largest shopping centers. Authorities reportedly had been investigating him for an extended period before intervening.

The allegations, if substantiated, describe a potentially catastrophic attack prevented before innocent people were killed. They also raise questions extending well beyond the circumstances of one arrest: how does a young American become radicalized to the point that he is allegedly willing to murder dozens of strangers, and what can be done to identify that process before it turns violent?

Having spent more than two decades reporting on terrorism, insurgencies and armed conflict around the world, I have seen how extremist organizations exploit alienation, resentment and ideological grievance to recruit people into violence. What concerns me about this case is that the alleged suspect did not have to travel to a foreign battlefield to encounter those influences. According to the account presented during the broadcast, he was born and raised in the United States.

That distinction is central to understanding the threat.

A Suspect Already Known to Investigators

One of the most troubling details emerging from the case is the suggestion that the suspect had been under investigation for approximately two years.

U.S. Attorney Daniel Rosen, FBI Special Agent in Charge Christopher Dotson and Bloomington Police Chief Booker Hodges announce federal charges against an 18-year-old Minnesota man on October 7, 2026. Investigators allege the suspect planned an ISIS-inspired mass shooting at the Mall of America before being arrested during an undercover operation.

 

During the broadcast, I discussed reports that FBI agents had previously approached his parents on two occasions because of concerns about his possible radicalization. According to those accounts, the parents referred investigators to their attorneys rather than discussing the matter directly.

The precise circumstances of those encounters, including what investigators disclosed and how the family responded, have not been independently established in the material available to me. Seeking legal representation is not itself evidence of wrongdoing, and the parents have not been shown to have participated in the alleged plot.

Nevertheless, the reported length of the investigation illustrates the difficulties facing counterterrorism agencies. Authorities must distinguish between disturbing statements, ideological extremism and concrete preparations for violence, while also gathering enough evidence to justify an arrest.

That process becomes particularly complicated when a suspect's activities occur primarily online.

Former FBI Deputy Director Dan Bongino addressed that challenge during an interview aired on Fox News, describing how extremist recruitment has evolved alongside social media and other digital communications platforms.

“One of the most prominent significant problems we were faced with ... was this explosion basically of online radicalization where these terror groups were taking advantage of chat room type tools, social media type tools, you know, basically the digital domain to recruit.”

Bongino said the FBI had undertaken changes intended to improve its ability to identify potentially dangerous individuals, including the use of artificial intelligence to analyze large volumes of investigative tips.

He argued that technological advances were making it more difficult for suspects to remain unnoticed, although the effectiveness of those changes cannot be established from his remarks alone.

The larger point is difficult to dispute: extremist organizations no longer need to recruit exclusively through personal relationships, physical meetings or travel to conflict zones. Online platforms can connect vulnerable individuals with violent ideologies across enormous distances, often without the knowledge of their families or communities.

The Challenge of Radicalization at Home

Minnesota is home to one of the largest Somali American communities in the United States, a population that has grown over several decades through refugee resettlement, family reunification and subsequent generations born in America.

The suspect discussed in the broadcast was described as an American-born young man whose parents immigrated from Somalia. His background has attracted considerable attention, but it is important to distinguish the allegations against one individual from the broader community in which he grew up.

Somali American community leaders publicly condemned the reported plot and emphasized that the young people involved in violence are also products of American society.

One community representative made that point directly:

“We strongly condemn gun violence and youth violence. We recognize that Somali American youth were involved and those responsible must be held accountable. But those are also American youth born and raised all here, educated here, and grow up in our communities. This is not simply a Somali problem.”

I have interviewed Somali community leaders in Minnesota during previous reporting assignments, and I believe there is an important truth in that statement.

When a young person is born in America, attends American schools and grows up surrounded by American institutions, it is not enough to explain his behavior solely through his parents' country of origin.

The more difficult question is what happened during those formative years.

How did an American teenager allegedly become convinced that murdering people at a shopping mall was a worthwhile objective? What influences shaped that decision, and at what point did those influences develop into preparations for violence?

Those are questions investigators, parents, educators and community leaders should be asking.

Minneapolis Confronts a Broader Youth Violence Problem

The alleged terrorism case comes amid broader concerns about youth violence in the Minneapolis–St. Paul area.

During the broadcast, I reviewed an interview in which a Minnesota police chief discussed increasingly aggressive behavior among young offenders, including the availability of privately manufactured firearms and the difficulties investigators face in tracing certain weapons.

The chief described a troubling change in the attitudes of some young people involved in criminal activity.

“We're dealing with kids who are just way more violent ... a lot of times they're able to print these guns on printers in their house, which makes it a little bit more difficult too for us to get.”

He also pointed to what he characterized as a growing disregard for social expectations and authority.

“The level of disrespect that they have for society is even far greater than ... a lot of the gang members that I grew up with in North Minneapolis.”

The chief's remarks concern a broader criminal-justice problem and do not establish that ordinary gang violence and ideologically motivated terrorism share the same causes. But they do raise overlapping questions about social isolation, family involvement, access to weapons and the influence of violent peer networks.

I have reported from Minneapolis before, including on gang activity affecting some immigrant neighborhoods. The existence of criminal networks in a community does not mean that the community as a whole supports them. In fact, residents are often among the people most directly harmed by the violence.

The challenge is to confront the individuals responsible without treating an entire population as collectively guilty.

Terrorist Recruitment Has Entered the Digital Age

The internet has fundamentally changed the way extremist movements reach potential recruits.

During earlier reporting assignments in Europe, I investigated the propaganda operations of ISIS and the ways the organization encouraged attacks far beyond the territory it once controlled in Iraq and Syria.

In Dresden, Germany, I reported on the Frauenkirche, the historic church destroyed during the Second World War and later reconstructed. The building had appeared in extremist propaganda identifying symbolic European landmarks as potential targets.

That reporting followed the deadly ISIS-inspired vehicle attack in Barcelona, Spain, which demonstrated how extremist ideology could inspire violence far from the organization's principal areas of operation.

The significance of these examples is not that every person exposed to extremist propaganda becomes dangerous. Most do not. It is that a relatively small number of susceptible individuals can be encouraged toward violence without ever establishing a conventional relationship with a terrorist organization.

Digital communication allows recruiters to cultivate grievances, reinforce distorted beliefs and provide ideological justification for attacks. In some cases, individuals radicalize largely through their own consumption of propaganda rather than through direct contact with an organized group.

That creates an especially difficult problem for law enforcement because the warning signs can resemble ordinary online behavior until an individual begins making concrete preparations.

Isolation, Resentment and the Search for Belonging

Another subject I discussed during the broadcast was the relationship between social isolation and violent radicalization.

Several years ago, I investigated online communities associated with the so-called incel movement, a term commonly used to describe people who identify as involuntarily celibate. Some violent offenders have adopted extremist ideas associated with that movement, including misogyny and resentment toward society.

It would be inaccurate, however, to suggest that socially isolated men generally become violent or that most mass shootings can be attributed to the incel phenomenon. Social isolation alone does not explain terrorism, and investigators must be careful not to confuse broad personality traits with evidence of an actual threat.

What interests me is how violent extremist movements can exploit a person's existing anger or sense of rejection.

Someone who feels disconnected from family, friends and society may become particularly receptive to an online community promising purpose, recognition or belonging. An extremist recruiter can then redirect those feelings toward an ideological enemy, transforming personal grievances into a justification for violence.

The mechanisms differ among jihadist movements, white supremacist organizations and other forms of extremism, but the underlying exploitation of vulnerability is a recurring concern.

This is why the problem cannot be addressed exclusively through arrests and surveillance. Those tools are necessary when someone poses a credible threat, but they do not eliminate the conditions that make extremist recruitment possible.

The Role of Families and Communities

One of the most important lessons from years of covering conflict is that violent ideologies thrive when people lose meaningful connections to the world around them.

During the broadcast, I urged parents and grandparents to pay attention when young people become increasingly isolated, hostile or absorbed in online environments that encourage hatred.

That does not mean every teenager who spends too much time on a computer is a potential terrorist. It means adults should remain involved in the lives of the young people around them, particularly when troubling behavior is accompanied by threats, fascination with mass violence or efforts to obtain weapons.

My advice was straightforward:

“Reach out to try him some love. Try to make him feel like he's a part of a family.”

I have spent much of my career reporting from places where violence has become an ordinary part of daily life. Again and again, I have seen the damage caused when hatred becomes the organizing principle of a person's identity.

Families, religious institutions, schools and local communities cannot replace professional counterterrorism investigations, but they can provide the relationships and accountability that help prevent alienation from becoming something more dangerous.

That responsibility belongs to all of us, regardless of political affiliation, religion or background.

Security Alone Cannot Defeat an Ideology

The FBI deserves credit when it identifies a credible threat and prevents an attack before innocent people are harmed. If the allegations in the Mall of America case are proven, the intervention may have prevented a devastating loss of life.

But there is a larger problem that no single arrest can resolve.

Counterterrorism agencies face an enormous challenge because they must identify and stop potentially violent individuals before an attack occurs. Extremists, meanwhile, can exploit anonymous accounts, encrypted communications and rapidly changing online networks to spread their messages.

The answer requires effective intelligence gathering, responsible intervention when warning signs emerge and sustained cooperation between authorities and communities.

It also requires recognizing that ideological hatred cannot always be defeated by force alone.

Toward the end of my broadcast, I reflected on something I have learned after more than 25 years of reporting on wars around the world.

“You can force people to be peaceful at the point of a gun, but they can still hate each other.”

That observation applies as much to domestic extremism as it does to foreign battlefields.

Law enforcement can arrest a suspect, seize a weapon and prevent an attack. Those are indispensable achievements. But the underlying hatred that makes such violence attractive to certain individuals requires a different response, one that includes families, communities, education and the willingness to confront extremist ideas before they develop into action.

The reported plot against the Mall of America should serve as a reminder of both the danger and the opportunity before us.

The danger is that a young person growing up in the United States can allegedly become so consumed by an extremist worldview that he prepares to kill dozens of fellow Americans.

The opportunity is that this particular attack was reportedly stopped before it happened.

As investigators work to establish the full circumstances of the case, the country needs to pay attention not only to how the suspect was apprehended, but also to how someone so young allegedly reached that point in the first place.

Preventing the next attack will require understanding both.

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LIVE CALL with Chuck Holton — October 3rd at 11 AM Central

Join Chuck Holton LIVE on October 3rd at 11 AM Central for a live call covering the latest developments, what’s happening on the ground, and the stories you need to be watching.

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September 30, 2026
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What Happened Outside RAF Fairford? The Questions Are Getting More Serious

Five British men were arrested near a U.S.-operated bomber base after being found with three suspicious vans in the middle of the night. No explosives were ultimately discovered, but petrol was recovered, investigators are examining possible foreign involvement, and Washington says the incident was far more serious than it may first appear.

 

The more information that comes out about what happened outside RAF Fairford over the weekend, the stranger this story becomes.

Shortly after midnight Sunday, three vans were spotted near the Gloucestershire air base, which has become an important operating location for American bombers during the war with Iran. A local resident reported seeing a group of masked men near the vehicles and alerted police. Armed officers responded, five men were arrested, homes were evacuated and bomb-disposal specialists spent hours examining the vans.

Armed police guard a road near RAF Fairford in Gloucestershire following the arrest of five British men in the early hours of September 27, 2026. Counterterrorism investigators are examining why three suspicious vans were near the U.S.-operated air base and whether a foreign actor may have been involved.

 

British counterterrorism police initially arrested the five men under the Explosives Act and later on suspicion of preparing an act of terrorism. All five are British nationals in their 20s from London. They have since been released on police bail under what authorities describe as stringent restrictions while the investigation continues.

Then came an important development.

Police announced that they had found no explosive devices in the vehicles. They did, however, recover a quantity of petrol.

That changes part of the story. It does not explain it.

Three Vans in the Middle of the Night

There is still a very basic question investigators need to answer: What were these men doing there?

RAF Fairford is not an ordinary airport. It is a strategically important British installation used extensively by the United States Air Force. Its unusually long runway makes it suitable for America's heavy bomber fleet, and B-1 and B-52 bombers have operated from Fairford during the conflict with Iran.

Iran's Revolutionary Guard has previously identified Fairford as a potential target because of its role in American military operations against Iran.

Suspects are detained by armed police near RAF Fairford early on September 27, 2026. Five British nationals in their 20s were arrested on suspicion of explosives offenses and later on suspicion of preparing an act of terrorism. All five were subsequently released on bail while the investigation continues.

 

So when several masked men turn up near that particular installation in three vans shortly after midnight, authorities have little choice but to treat it seriously.

That is exactly what they did.

The original account from the scene described men wearing face coverings who fled after being spotted by a local resident. Bomb-disposal teams were brought in, a security cordon was established and nearby homes were evacuated while investigators worked through the vehicles.

Police now say there were no explosives inside those vans. That is an important fact, and it means some of the early reporting suggesting investigators had discovered a ready-made bomb was wrong.

But the absence of explosives does not answer the question of intent.

Police recovered petrol. The men were close to a military installation housing extremely valuable American aircraft. And British counterterrorism investigators have not closed the case. They are continuing to investigate whether the men may have been acting, knowingly or unknowingly, on behalf of a foreign state.

That last possibility is where this story becomes much more consequential.

Was a Foreign Government Involved?

British authorities have been deliberately cautious.

Assistant Commissioner Laurence Taylor, the head of Britain's counterterrorism policing, has said investigators are keeping an open mind and examining multiple possibilities, including whether proxies or individuals working for a foreign state could have been involved.

They have not publicly concluded that Iran directed these men.

A U.S. Air Force B-1B Lancer takes off from RAF Fairford on September 29, 2026, as the investigation surrounding the security incident continued outside the base. Fairford has supported American bomber operations during the conflict with Iran.

 

Iran has denied involvement, and at this point there is not enough publicly available evidence for me—or anyone outside the investigation—to state definitively that Tehran ordered an operation against RAF Fairford.

The American government, however, is talking about this somewhat differently.

Secretary of State Marco Rubio told Fox News that there were details he could not discuss publicly, but described what happened as an extremely serious situation.

“What happened, what almost happened, what could have happened in the UK over the weekend is a very serious situation.”

Rubio went further, saying the incident “clearly involves the hands of a foreign actor,” although he stopped short of publicly identifying which country he believed was responsible.

He also connected the episode to Iran's public threats against American interests around the world.

That tells me something important.

The U.S. government apparently knows considerably more about this incident than has been released publicly.

That does not prove Iran was responsible. But when the U.S. secretary of state publicly says a foreign actor was involved while British counterterrorism police simultaneously investigate possible state sponsorship, it deserves attention.

The Iran Connection Cannot Be Dismissed

One of the mistakes people make when they imagine state-sponsored terrorism is assuming that a foreign government has to send its own intelligence officers into another country carrying explosives.

That is not necessarily how these operations work.

Iran has previously been accused by Western governments and security agencies of using criminal intermediaries and locally recruited proxies in plots abroad. That structure offers obvious advantages: distance from the operation, reduced exposure for Iranian personnel and a degree of plausible deniability if the people carrying out the act are arrested.

That is one reason the nationality of the Fairford suspects does not resolve the question of foreign involvement. All five men are British citizens. That tells us who they are; it does not necessarily tell us whether someone else directed or financed whatever they were doing.

During the live broadcast, I said the incident had characteristics that made me suspicious of an Iranian connection. But suspicion is not proof, and there are still enormous holes in the publicly available story.

We do not know precisely why the men were there.

We do not know what they intended to do with the petrol.

We do not know whether other individuals were involved.

And most importantly, we do not yet know who—if anyone—sent them.

Until investigators answer those questions, this remains an unresolved counterterrorism investigation rather than a proven Iranian attack.

Why Fairford Matters

The location is what makes the possibility so serious.

RAF Fairford has played a direct role in American operations against Iran. Earlier this year, the base hosted a major concentration of U.S. bombers as the air campaign intensified. At one point, roughly 15 B-1 and B-52 bombers were reportedly stationed there, and B-52s operating from Fairford flew missions over Iran.

These are enormously valuable aircraft, but their strategic importance goes well beyond their price tag.

A modern bomber sitting on the ground is fundamentally different from one flying at altitude surrounded by sophisticated defensive systems. Aircraft on an airfield are stationary targets, which is precisely why military bases have layered security.

An attacker would not necessarily need some spectacular truck bomb to create a serious problem. Fire alone can damage aircraft, fuel systems, maintenance equipment and other infrastructure.

That is why I am reluctant to dismiss this incident simply because police did not discover a completed explosive device.

The important question is not merely what was inside those vans when police opened them.

The important question is what the men intended to do once they reached their destination.

The Decision to Release the Suspects

The other part of this case attracting attention is Britain's decision to release all five suspects on bail.

President Donald Trump publicly questioned the decision, saying he would not have released them. Rubio acknowledged that many people were disturbed by it as well.

British counterterrorism officials have defended the move.

Taylor emphasized that release on bail does not mean the men have been cleared. They remain under investigation and face restrictions on their movement and contact with other people.

There may be investigative reasons for that decision that the public does not know. There may also be evidence that significantly changes our understanding of what happened.

That is why I am not prepared to tell you that releasing them proves British authorities are ignoring the threat. We simply do not have enough information to know what investigators know.

But I do think the public deserves answers.

When five men are arrested under terrorism and explosives laws near a military base actively supporting combat operations, when a major counterterrorism response follows, when the U.S. secretary of state says a foreign actor was involved, and when the suspects are subsequently released on bail, people are naturally going to ask what happened.

A Warning Beyond One British Air Base

There is a bigger lesson here, regardless of what investigators ultimately determine.

The conflict with Iran does not necessarily remain confined to Iranian territory, the Persian Gulf or the Strait of Hormuz.

American forces operate from installations around the world. Those bases, the people serving on them and the infrastructure supporting them become potential targets when the United States enters a sustained military confrontation.

Iran does not need to defeat the United States conventionally to create problems. A state facing overwhelming American military power has every incentive to look for asymmetric methods—proxies, sabotage, cyberattacks and other operations that are cheaper, harder to attribute and capable of creating political effects far beyond the physical damage they cause.

Whether RAF Fairford turns out to be an example of that strategy remains an open question.

British investigators have not attributed the incident to Iran. Tehran denies involvement. No explosives were found in the vans. Those facts should not be buried simply because they complicate the story.

But neither should we ignore the facts pointing in the other direction: masked men, three vans, petrol, a strategically important American bomber base, previous Iranian threats against that installation and a statement from America's secretary of state that a foreign actor was involved.

Those pieces do not yet give us the entire picture.

They give us enough to keep asking questions.

And until British and American authorities explain exactly what those men were doing outside RAF Fairford in the middle of the night, this is one story I would not dismiss.

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